DOGE updates + Liberation Day Tariff Reactions with Ben Shapiro and Antonio Gracias

Gracias explains that enumeration beyond entry (EB) is a specific program for issuing Social Security numbers (SSNs) to non-citizens after arrival. Historically, it served clearly defined groups (e.g., Afghan translators, green card holders, work-visa holders) at a baseline of roughly 300–400k SSNs per year. Starting around 2021, the EB count spiked to about 2.1 million annually and a total of ~5.4 million since inception, with the growth heavily driven by asylum seekers, parolees, and individuals entering on Notices to Appear (NTAs). This growth—not the existence of EB itself—is what Gracias flags as an abuse of originally legitimate programs.

Gracias describes a pipeline in which border agents, overwhelmed during the surge, issued NTAs with court dates often six years out. Migrants could then file asylum applications without interviews, request work authorization (Form I-765), receive an EAD (Form I-766), and automatically be mailed SSN cards—often without any in-person ID verification. He notes ~23% of sampled border records had no fingerprints, and birthdates were disproportionately listed as January 1, suggesting fabricated data. This loose process enabled large numbers to obtain quasi-legal status, work authorization, and full integration into federal and state systems.

Mapping EB SSNs into state-level benefit systems, Gracias’s team found usage across unemployment insurance, Medicaid (about 1.3 million currently enrolled), and other programs—indicating a growing fiscal burden. Cross-referencing “friendly” state voter rolls, they also discovered thousands of EB-linked individuals registered to vote, with over a thousand having actually voted in at least one state. He frames this as a serious legal issue (federal crime) and claims some cases have been referred for prosecution, while warning it’s likely just the “tip of the iceberg” compared to the wider illegal population known to ICE or completely unknown.

Beyond fiscal and electoral angles, Gracias repeatedly emphasizes that relaxed asylum standards and open defaults at SSA created a “money magnet” for traffickers. He cites typical smuggling fees of $20,000 per person and cartel control over border crossings, arguing many migrants become de facto indentured servants to service these debts. He points to high suicide rates among border agents during the surge and describes the situation as a human-rights catastrophe: U.S. policy didn’t just tolerate trafficking, it economically rewarded it.

Some analysts, including hedge fund manager Jim Chanos, claimed Gracias’s chart exaggerated growth by cherry-picking data. Gracias counters that critics conflated total SSN enumeration (including consulate-issued numbers and office visits) with the narrower EB subset he highlighted. He notes one prominent critic deleted their post after he explained the mismatch and reiterates that his time series uses EB-only data from 2017 onward, where the program actually exists; there is no comparable 20-year history. He frames resistance as ideological “Rorschach” rather than genuine methodological rebuttal.